This post is for all who deride “conspiracy theorists” as tinfoil-hat-wearing crazies, at best, and at worst, “agents of Satan,” which a former friend, R., accused me of when I sent him my January 8, 2019 post, “More evidence that Sandy Hook Elementary School had moved to Monroe, CT before the shooting massacre,” with documentary evidence from Wolfgang Halbig showing Sandy Hook Elementary School had moved to Chalk Hill Middle School in nearby Monroe, Connecticut, months before the December 14, 2012 mass shooting.
Instead of disputing my post with evidence or reasoning, R. called me an agent of Satan for trafficking in conspiracy theories, which he dismisses because he doesn’t believe in conspiracies and because so many conspiracy theories implicate Jews.
Izzy Lyons reports for The Telegraph, April 2, 2019, that in October 1944 during a late night, whiskey-fuelled meeting in the Kremlin, Winston Churchill and Josef Stalin, the respective leaders of Great Britain and the Soviet Union, made “a nominal agreement” on how they would carve up (“spheres of influence”) Eastern Europe after Hitler was eventually defeated and the Second World War ended.
Prime Minister Churchill jotted down on a slip of paper that he referred to in his memoirs as the “naughty document,” his proposals as to how various East European countries would be divided among the Allies, down to percentages of influence:
- Roumania would be apportioned 90% to Russia, 10% to the others.
- Greece: 90% to Great Britain; 10% to Russia.
- Yugoslavia and Hungary would be divided 50/50?
- Bulgaria: 75% to Russia and 25% to the West
Stalin appears to have approved Churchill’s suggestions by scrawling a big blue tick across the top of the “naughty document”.
Beginning April 5, 2019, that “naughty document” is now on public display for the first time at the British National Archives’ Protect and Survive: Britain’s Cold War Revealed exhibition.
Mark Dunton, chief curator of the exhibition, said Churchill called the paper his “naughty document, not for public eyes” because he and civil servants were aware of how it could come across as “callous”. Dunton said:
“This was the result of late night discussions between Churchill and Stalin, they both had a fair bit of whiskey. They were trying to make a nominal agreement about the spheres of influence after the war. I think it’s important that this document is going on display because there’s so much significance in that little square of paper. It’s potentially incredibly significant – the fate of millions being decided with the stroke of a pen as a result of a casual meeting. An official later said that the figures could have looked very cruel and callous if they were seen by the public. I think Churchill was very aware of that. It obviously didn’t quite pan out like this, but it is nonetheless a powerful document and an amazing piece of history.”
World War II Today has Churchill’s account of his secret pact with Stalin:
At ten o’clock that night we held our ﬁrst important meeting in the Kremlin. …
The moment was apt for business, so I said, “Let us settle about our affairs in the Balkans. Your armies are in Roumania and Bulgaria. We have interests, missions, and agents there. Don’t let us get at cross—purposes in small ways. So far as Britain and Russia are concerned, how would it do for you to have ninety per cent. predominance in Roumania, for us to have ninety per cent. of the say in Greece, and go ﬁfty—ﬁfty about Yugoslavia?”
While this was being translated I wrote out [the percentages] on a half—sheet of paper….
I pushed this across to Stalin, who had by then heard the translation. There was a slight pause. Then he took his blue pencil and made a large tick upon it, and passed it back to us. It was all settled in no more time than it takes to set down.
Of course we had long and anxiously considered our point, and were only dealing with immediate war-time arrangements. All larger questions were reserved on both sides for what we then hoped would be a peace table when the war was won.
After this there was a long silence. The pencilled paper lay in the centre of the table. At length I said, “Might it not be thought rather cynical if it seemed we had disposed of these issues, so fateful to millions of people, in such an offhand manner? Let us burn the paper.” “No, you keep it,” said Stalin.
These percentages which I have put down are no more than a method by which in our thoughts we can see how near we are together, and then decide upon the necessary steps to bring us into full agreement.
As I said, they would be considered crude, and even callous, if they were exposed to the scrutiny of the Foreign Offices and diplomats all over the world. Therefore they could not be the basis of any public document, certainly not at the present time.
They might however be a good guide for the conduct of our affairs. If we manage these affairs well we shall perhaps prevent several civil wars and much bloodshed and strife in the small countries concerned. Our broad principle should be to let every country have the form of government which its people desire.
We certainly do not wish to force on any Balkan State monarchic or republican institutions. We have however established certain relations of faithfulness with the Kings of Greece and Yugoslavia. They have sought our shelter from the Nazi foe, and we think that when normal tranquillity is re-established and the enemy has been driven out the peoples of these countries should have a free and fair chance of choosing.
It might even be that Commissioners of the three Great Powers should be stationed there at the time of the elections so as to see that the people have a genuine free choice. There are good precedents for this.
The New Observer noted that:
As events transpired, the Soviet Union seized even more territory than this, taking 10 percent of all the countries listed (except for Greece, which remained free of Soviet occupation) and included Poland, Czechoslovakia, eastern Germany, and the three Baltic states.
Millions of people were displaced, killed and tortured under the Soviet rule during the next four and half decades in Eastern Europe. At least three major uprisings against communist rule followed: In 1953 in East Germany, in 1956 in Hungary, and in 1968 in Czechoslovakia. All three were suppressed with force by the Soviet army.
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